Occupied Jerusalem- formed a battle”Al-Aqsa flood“A turning point in the relations between… Palestinians 48 And the Israeli institution, as the Palestinian community inside the country faces the challenges of the war on Gaza and the Israeli policies against them, which were represented by the deprivation of freedoms and rights, intimidation, intimidation, silencing voices, and the silencing of anti-war voices, within the applicable state of emergency.
As the war continued, these Israeli policies, which took an increasingly hostile turn against the Palestinians of the 1948s, who number about 1.7 million people, reflected the political and security crises that Israel was experiencing, and the fragility of the Israeli citizenship and nationality granted to the Palestinians of the 1948s, which had become hostage and subject to the motives of the Israeli establishment, security needs, and the Zionist consensus. And its conditions.
He carried the Israeli consensus on defining the prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu The war, as an “existential war and a war on the home”, has many internal Israeli variables and transformations, including everything related to the relationship with the Palestinians of 1948 from a security and military perspective, and dealing with them as enemies, with an indication of an undeclared return to military rule.
No opinion on war
A position paper issued by “Mada al-Carmel – Arab Center for Applied Social Studies” in Haifa discussed the tools of gagging, silencing, and intimidation that the Israeli establishment employed against the Palestinians of 1948, in light of the war, with the aim of preventing them from expressing positions opposing the war, rejecting killing and destruction, and supporting the Palestinians in Gaza strip.
According to Mada Al-Carmel monitoring, the Israeli security authorities, from the first day of the war, began to silence the Palestinian voices inside that opposed the war, as every statement, statement, or tweet on social media sites was now considered to express a principled position opposing the war, or against the killing of civilians, or against the killing of civilians. “It sympathizes with the people of Gaza, and it supports the Islamic Resistance Movement.”agitation“.
This Israeli policy was translated into persecution, repression, and arrest of hundreds of Palestinians from 1948, and bringing dozens of them to trial on charges of “supporting terrorism” or “supporting Hamas.” According to the human rights center “Adalah,” most of the investigations and suspicions centered around violating the penal code and violating the “anti-terrorism” law. “.
Repression of expressions of political positions opposing the war expanded. Facilitating political repression and arrests has become a systematic policy by the Israeli police and the Public Prosecution.
Citizenship struggle
In an initial reading of the status of the Palestinian community in Israel following the war on Gaza, member of the Supreme Follow-up Committee for the Arab Public, Mtanes Shehadeh, says: “Israel deals with Arab citizens within security approaches, and on this basis, Israeli policies were developed against the Palestinians of 1948, whom they included among the open fronts that are likely to ignite.” “.
Shehadeh explained to Al Jazeera Net that the general Israeli system for dealing with Palestinian society inside is part of the greater security system for dealing with the Palestinian people, especially since the security doctrine that prevailed for decades and placed the Palestinians of 1948 within any future war, collapsed after what happened on October 7/ Last October.
Shehadeh pointed out that “the war on Gaza made it clear that the Palestinian population in the 1948 territories is outside the citizenship equation, and this is an issue that will be raised again and strongly in Israel after the war, knowing that the so-called democracy and citizenship were disrupted during the war.”
It is believed that the Jewish tribe does not want the Palestinian community inside as part of citizenship and the Jewish state, and they refuse to even include them in any protests against government policies, which reflects the features of the conflict and the nature of the formed system, and the effort to remove the Arabs from the context of any attempt to influence, or integrate into any Israeli system that determines Its features are the Jewish tribe.
“Collective military identity”
Dr. Heba Yazbek, a specialist in social sciences, agrees with Shehadeh’s proposal, as she reviewed the transformation of relations between the Palestinians of 1948 and Israel, since the beginning of the “Al-Aqsa Flood,” which was manifested in dealing with them under emergency regulations in light of the continuing war on Gaza, in an indication of a war targeting all Palestinians.
Yazbek told Al Jazeera Net, “Relationships have manifested themselves in an escalating hostile trend by the Israeli establishment against the Palestinians of 1948 since the seventh of last October, through intimidation, intimidation, persecution, silencing, gagging, repression, and imposing censorship on them in various aspects of life.”
She explained that the Israeli institutional relationship and dealings are witnessing a new situation that the Palestinian interior has never experienced before, and it carries within it features of military rule and dominance, in addition to a new issue, which is the Israeli societal militarization, so that dealing with the Palestinians of 1948 in all aspects of daily life has become from a military perspective.
She pointed out that Israel has been witnessing since The second intifada Societal militarization, and she adds, “The state of militarization accelerated remarkably after the events of October 7, and it is being consolidated and expanded during the course and developments of the war towards building an Israeli society that bears a military collective identity centered on the army, and this is what is rooted in the Israeli mentality.”
A new reality
The specialist in social sciences pointed out that the Palestinians of 1948 faced many challenges during the war, perhaps the most prominent of which were “the attempts of the Israeli establishment to strip the humanitarian cover from the Palestinian, and prevent him from solidarity with Gaza or expressing his opinion against the war, through the denial of civil rights, attempts to distort identity, and even Threatening to withdraw citizenship merely for any position of solidarity with Gaza.”
In light of these transformations and Israeli policies, Yazbek believes that “the Palestinians of 1948 constitute a challenge to the Jewish consensus for the war on Gaza, as the Israeli establishment reads the Arab citizens in the territories of 1948 within the national context, and not in the civil context and citizenship.”
Yazbek says, “This new, crystallized reality puts the Palestinian interior in front of a new confrontation, requiring them to rearrange the cards and formulate a new political horizon that allows the Palestinians of 1948 to work and move within a new reality determined by the final results of the war.”