After the end of the Zionist phenomenon, represented by the “state” of Israel, theorists and thinkers will review concepts raised by a military entity that occupied Palestine. These terms include: “society,” “democracy,” and “civilian and military.” To what degree do we believe the claim that there are “civilians”? Aren’t the engineer, pharmacist and worker a reserve force? Their military service ends, and the weapon remains a companion; Waiting to be summoned to a new war. They are civilians in the same way that workers in the occupation armies – before the end of traditional colonialism – brought their families to countries where they were recruited and isolated from their communities. Was Israel a democracy? The answer may be: “Yes,” if it concerns Ashkenazim. As for the Eastern Jews from Africa, the Arab world, and Palestine, they are lower, and the Palestinians of 1948 are one degree lower than this “lower.”
The phenomenon of the late awakening of some consciences will also attract the attention of historians, with the minimum conditions of humanity, and they choose to leave the Zionist entity and clear their name with important studies, as are done by Effie Shlaim, Ilan Pappe, and other new historians currently residing outside occupied Palestine. They may write testimonies that purify themselves of their past, and at the same time they brag about the ability of an entity that does not care about what is published in these testimonies. They document criminal operations with sufficient evidence to bring the perpetrators to the International Criminal Court, if the Arab world had the will. Do the complicit and gloating have a will? In March 1978, Egyptian Foreign Minister Muhammad Ibrahim Kamel prepared a statement condemning the “organized extermination of Palestinians” during the occupation army’s invasion of southern Lebanon.
Did they give them leech?
The minister recorded, in his book “The Lost Peace at Camp David,” that he kept calling President Anwar Sadat, and shortly before noon, Sadat woke up and asked him why he called repeatedly in the morning? The minister informed him of the Israeli aggression, “and Sadat said, laughing: Did they give them the leech or not?… Discipline them or not?” I understood that he meant if the Israelis had taught the Palestinians a lesson because of the operation carried out by the Fedayeen inside Israel a few days ago. Blood was rushing to the arteries of my head as I answered him: The opposite happened and the Palestinians taught the Israelis a lesson. The minister does not suggest that his boss had prior knowledge of the attack. Sadat was not angry, nor was he surprised by the occupation army’s move, but rather he was surprised by the courage of the Palestinians in confronting the aggression.
Behavior befitting a comedian. A reaction befitting the continued insult. On June 7, 1981, Israel destroyed the Iraqi nuclear reactor, minutes after the French technicians left the site. Three days before the crime, Sadat and Menachem Begin met in Sharm El-Sheikh. Sadat learned that enemy forces had raided the reactor; His anger was comical. He ordered the cessation of cooperation with Israeli agricultural experts who began their work in May 1981, following the visit of Sharon, the hero of the breach in the 1973 war, to Egypt, which taught the world agriculture. From the incident of the reactor’s destruction, I come to the book “Gideon’s Spies” by British-Israeli Gordon Thomas. The book was published in New York in 1999, and was translated in the same year by Ahmed Omar Shaheen and Magdy Sharshar.
My Palestinian friend Ahmed Omar Shaheen wrote me this dedication: “Here are the Jews as they really are.” I was a member of the editorial board of “Sutour” magazine. After the magazine, Dar Surat began a publishing project with two books by Karen Armstrong, followed by a book by Gordon Thomas with the subtitle: “The Secret History of the Mossad.” I read it and it scared me. Here in the office, at the entrance to the building, on the bus, on the street, at home, anywhere, a device planted by Mossad counts breaths. Mossad, “Israel’s secret eye on the world.” The Zionists are present, they have an impact everywhere, and they have a mark on every “operation.” Their operations extend deep into Africa, Europe, and Argentina, from where they hunted Adolf Eichmann (my friend, the translator Samir Greiss, insists that the correct pronunciation is Eichmann, not Eichmann).
The crucial call
Rafi Eitan succeeded in kidnapping Eichmann, implementing the principle that “no Nazi survives alive.” I do not rule out a day when the Palestinians raise the slogan: “There is no escape for any living Zionist killer,” and the killers do not lie. They brag about their crimes since the Nakba, and laugh at the cameras, mocking unarmed Palestinians who killed them until they ran out of ammunition. Perhaps a sentence said by Eichmann before his execution and the subsequent cremation of his body and the scattering of the ashes in the sea may be fulfilled, as Ben-Gurion ordered that they not leave any traces that might arouse sympathy for him and turn him “into a Nazi idol.” They disassembled the oven, and it was never used again. On May 31, 1962, Eichmann said to Eitan in the execution chamber: “The day will come when you join me, Jew.” That’s a day I see soon.
The book explains a dangerous role for the Mossad before the June 1967 war. They were assured that the critical time for the radar units was between 7:30 and 7:45 in the morning. Within fifteen minutes, the night shift is exhausted, and the next one has not yet prepared, “and is a little late due to the slowness in the dining halls,” as they break their fast starting at a quarter past seven, for half an hour. He was briefed on all the details of the Air Force, as “there was either an Arab agent or a Mossad man in every Egyptian air base or chief of staff, and at least there were three of them in the Supreme Chief of Staff in Cairo.” The “decisive call” between Gamal Abdel Nasser and King Hussein was also recorded at the beginning of the war.
Before the war, the Mossad was able to disrupt the psychological, social and family composition of army officers. Their families were receiving letters, sent from Cairo, containing specific matters concerning the actions of their men. Customers noted the abundance of sick leave “for airmen to solve their problems.” Officers receive anonymous phone calls containing specific information they know. A woman called one of the teachers and told him that the poor performance of such-and-such student was because he was “her father’s lover, the senior officer, which led to the officer shooting himself.” The harsh campaign, as the author describes it, caused “a noticeable rift within the Egyptian military, and greatly satisfied Meir Amit (director of the Mossad from 1963 to 1968). Soft base intelligence behavior did not force them, at the time, to adopt state terrorism methods.
The Mossad does not care about the tools of implementation: Jews or collaborators. They don’t think of the agent as a human being. He’s just a weapon, a means to an end, just like a Kalashnikov. That’s all. And if you have to send him to his death, don’t think about it. The agent is always just nothing, a worthless person. “He is not a human being at all.” The book contains facts from open files. In May 1965, King Hassan “asked the Mossad to help him get rid of Ben Barka.” The “terrifying” General Mohamed Oufkir conveyed to David Kimchi “what the king wants: Ras Ben Barka,” and Oufkir had to go with him to Israel, via Rome, to explain the request.
Assassination of action
Israel practices state terrorism, and considers “assassination part of the job.” In 1977, the Mossad discovered that France was providing Iraq with nuclear capabilities. They considered striking the reactor before it started operating, but this “would end the delicate maneuvers to convince Egypt to sign a peace agreement.” They detected the presence of Egyptian scientist Yahya Al-Mashad in Paris, to supervise the shipment of atomic fuel to Baghdad, so Mossad director Isaac Hovey sent a team to assassinate him. “Two people entered his room with a master key, slaughtered him, stabbed him in the heart, and looted the room to make the operation appear as if it was motivated by theft. A night girl in the next room admitted that she heard unusual noises in the corset room, hours after giving her statement… She was killed in a traffic accident, and the carriage was never found.”
The “kill team” completed the operation and caught the Tel Aviv plane. Is Gordon Thomas’s documentation of the crime enough to reopen the file? Who opens it? Iraq is wounded. The consequences of the American occupation and civil strife burden it with other issues. Egypt sees this as a luxury, as the book was translated in 1999, and the author added chapters to an edition that was translated in Beirut in 2007. In Egypt, Dar Surat published Dr. Fatima Nasr’s translation of the book “The Coming War between Egypt and Israel” in 2016, two years after its publication in London. The author, Ehud Elam, who resides in America, was a conscript in the anti-aircraft weapons division, and after his doctorate he remained academically and practically involved in the study of “Israel’s national strategy and military principle,” and worked in the Ministry of Defense.
Does this author compose? From the operations room, he tells us about a scenario of an intense mass war in which Israel storms Sinai, “and the Egyptian army will work to protect its land, which will force the Israeli defense forces to destroy the Egyptian units or force them to retreat.” He says: After the next war, Israel may occupy some areas in Sinai, and that during its advance in Sinai it will not encounter “fortifications like those that existed in the 1956 and 1967 wars, and therefore nothing will hinder its path. The Israeli Defense Forces will dismantle any infrastructure that is The Egyptian army has begun to establish it there… The Israeli Defense Forces will make every effort to crush the Egyptian forces in Sinai.”
Despite the 1979 peace treaty, Ehud Elam is certain that Egypt remains “the main challenge in any war… Egypt may not seek a confrontation with Israel, but if it occurs… and since Egypt has a strong army, the Israeli Defense Forces must be prepared to defeat it, because if it were not… Also, this may tempt Egypt to test Israel’s strength. “Egypt’s success in deploying its forces in Sinai without an appropriate response from Israel – not to mention its steadfastness in its positions against Israeli attacks – will be a huge blow to Israel.” Despite the treaty, Egypt remains the enemy, and peace with it – as Uzi Dayan, former head of the National Security Council, said – is based on making Sinai “demilitarized.”
The scenario for the next war – as the author declares – is a repetition of the 1956 and 1967 invasions, with a “pre-emptive strike.” The book passed in silence, as if the war – the details of which the Zionist author specifies – would take place on the Tibetan plateau between India and China.