Egos above results

On Sunday, November 13, a citizen march was held in favor of the National Electoral Institute (INE) and against the electoral political reform sent to the Chamber of Deputies by President López Obrador. Some of the points raised in the initiative raised the alerts of society, such as the change of the National Electoral Institute (INE) for the National Institute of Elections and Consultations (INEC), which would be in charge of organizing the elections at the federal level. and local, thus disappearing the Local Public Organizations (OPL).

According to the proposal, the INEC would be made up of 7 councilors (and not 11 as is currently the case), who would be elected by direct vote of the citizens. Likewise, from the beginning of the pre-campaigns and until the beginning of election day, time would be taken from the institute on radio and television. Another point to highlight is the reduction in the number of members of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, to 300 and 96 respectively. Finally, as a consequence of the accumulation of changes, the initiative would seek to “reduce” the cost of electoral processes in Mexico.

The discontent on the part of the citizenry not only comes from the respect and legitimacy that the INE has acquired over the years. Although the institution is not perfect and there are areas of opportunity to improve the electoral rules, it has been demonstrated that the mechanisms work and the alternation in power in the three levels of government attest to this. What moved the citizens was not only the fear of weakening and partisanizing the INE, but rather it was a response to the continuous actions of the Executive to centralize and concentrate power in itself. The proposed changes to the INE represent the tip of the iceberg, since it has previously tried to delegitimize and destabilize other autonomous institutions and counterweights over which the president does not have absolute power. Additionally, to the list of concerns is added the possibility that, through the changes, López Obrador wants to manipulate future elections, which would imply a strong blow to our fragile democracy.

That Sunday the march passed without major shocks. It was a fairly crowded mobilization that was freely attended by different sectors of the population. The exact number is not known, as figures vary considerably depending on the source, and CDMX authorities had little incentive to measure the true influx. The march left several lessons and reflections for the opposition. However, the president’s response drew attention.

Almost immediately López Obrador decided to organize another march. This was held two weekends after the first and was called by some as the “countermarch.” According to the president, the objective of it would be to commemorate the fourth year of his government and render a work report. However, for many, what motivated the call was to show their “muscle” in the face of the citizen response in favor of the INE.

Broadly speaking, the problem with the march organized by the Executive is the objective it sought to achieve. It is inconceivable that in a country that is experiencing so many problems of violence, corruption, extreme poverty, among many others, the head of government would give priority to organizing an event that, in practical terms, had no real purpose other than to prove itself. himself his level of popularity.

In this effort, the role of his stalwarts could not be left out, characters like Claudia Sheinbaum who reveals, time and again, her absolute unconditional support for the president, and who is not willing to spare CDMX resources to show her support. nor stop praising him publicly, regardless of how wise or crazy his decisions are. In his words, the one on November 27, “was a historic march,” despite the fact that its turnout was much lower than others that López Obrador himself has organized in the past and the mobilization of public resources that was required to guarantee the presence of attendees.

It seems Claudia Sheinbaum isn’t uncomfortable being the president’s cheerleader, even when he doesn’t even ask for it. Her objective is clear, and from her perspective, that is what it takes to be the next president of Mexico, not an outstanding performance as Head of Government of CDMX, nor a series of innovative and cutting-edge proposals on how to address the problems that threaten the country or a progressive agenda with a focus on gender equality, or any other sign that shows that he has and defends his ideas. In the end, sadly in the path of rulers, the way in which problems are addressed and the results obtained are of little importance. The priority lies in caressing one’s own egos and, when deemed necessary, also those of others. This is how it is envisioned that the dynamics of the presidential race in Morena will continue towards 2024.