The left governs a large part of Latin America, Mexico, Argentina, Peru, Honduras, Chile, Bolivia and Colombia. It is expected that soon it will also triumph in Brazil and Uruguay. The differences between these governments are important; however, they share common ideas: reforms or fiscal measures to obtain resources from large companies and high-income people, greater use of development banks and public companies to promote investment and financial and digital inclusion of remote communities. , universal social policies that articulate human rights, infrastructure investment in marginalized areas, attempts to expand education and health services.
There is also a concern to intervene in the labor market, in the subject of pensions and in the minimum wage. In general, the markets have to be intervened to guarantee competition and obtain the products that society requires. The economy must be open to trade, but the conditions must be generated in the communities to participate in it and promote local development and consumption. Large companies are necessary, but they have to be limited and forced to fulfill their social and fiscal obligations. The central proposal of the left is inclusion as part of democracy. Democracy alone, which has no adjectives, is not enough, one is required to help reduce inequalities and guarantee rights. On the other hand, the right was left without a narrative.
The neoliberal promise to deregulate markets to generate wealth so that it spills over is no longer credible, nor is it just supporting the poorest and letting everyone else solve their problems on their own. The right can no longer play the card of fear, that the arrival of the left to the government will inevitably generate an economic disaster, which will lead us to communism or, at least, to Chavismo. In fact, the most serious problem of the right is that it handed over governments with very bad accounts, in Mexico, in Brazil, in Colombia, in Chile.
The news is good because surely progress will be made in inclusion, in the most unequal region on the planet. Now, there are significant risks. One is the radicalization of the right, which in its unsuccessful attempts to compete, have even claimed totalitarian regimes or played the classist and racist card. That can be a permanent factor of instability and confrontation.
In reality, what is required is the construction of a political system that recognizes, as a fundamental part of it, the obligation of the state to recognize social, political, and civil rights, to combat discrimination, and to generate inclusive economic growth. . From there, government policies may vary, to adapt to the circumstances and visions of each political project, but with inclusion as the axis.
The other part of the equation is the sustainability of that agenda. Inclusion policies require solid tax systems, based on a serious effort to make taxpayers comply with their obligations, as is happening now in Mexico and Argentina, but also with progressive tax proposals, such as those being discussed in Brazil, in Colombia and in Chile. Fiscal stability is essential for the permanence and success of universal social policies, which implies adjusting unnecessary spending, but also multiplying income under schemes that serve to redistribute wealth.
This project also requires generating growth engines, some based on a more inclusive and strategic use of our natural resources, but also on mission-oriented industrial policies that generate innovation, quality jobs, exports with greater national added value, and , above all, productive investment in now marginalized regions.
There are several areas of the economy in which the objectives of inclusion and growth are tied. One is financial, since the inclusion of the population that does not have savings and credit services, and the financing of infrastructure, can help growth and redistribution. The left now needs a narrative on how to achieve inclusive growth.
Twitter: @vidallerenas
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