The role of the West in the global food crisis

Contrary to claims by the Kremlin, the West is not to blame for the current food shortages in the developing world. But you have a responsibility to help address them, rather than leaving these countries to fend for themselves, as was largely the case during the Covid-19 pandemic.

MADRID – Actions speak louder than words. Qualifying the brutal and senseless war in Ukraine as a noble fight against Western imperialism, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s mantra, would be a bad joke, if it were not an immense tragedy. This same saying should guide the West’s response to crises generated by war – among them, the food crisis that looms over vulnerable populations in Africa.

Climate change and the pandemic were already jeopardizing food security long before the invasion of Ukraine. But now the situation is more serious, especially in the poorest African countries that depend on grain imports from Moscow and kyiv. Some 345 million human beings in the world face severe food insecurity, and hundreds of millions more go to bed hungry every day. As United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres warned last month, there is a real risk of multiple famines this year.

The lack of access to food exports from Russia and Ukraine is only part of the problem: these two countries are also large producers of fertilizers -as well as suppliers of raw materials for its manufacture-, essential for the cultivation of staples such as wheat, corn or rice. Thus, the Russian war, added to the instrumentalization of natural gas (key in the production of fertilizers) used by the Kremlin, contributes to the scarcity that we see.

With prices on the rise, the fertilizers have gone to the highest bidder; Consequently, the supply of this product to many African countries has collapsed, as has been the case in Ghana, despite sharing a border with Nigeria, a fertilizer manufacturer. The shortage threatens to reduce the value of African food production this year by eleven billion dollars. And numerous countries have imposed restrictions or even outright bans on the export of food and fertilizers.

In more than welcome news, the OCP Group, a Moroccan phosphate and fertilizer giant, is rolling out an ambitious program to improve food security in Africa. It includes the development of local training plans and innovation, in addition to the commitment to allocate 20% of its production to the continent. However, to avoid a catastrophic food crisis, much more will be needed.

Little remains of optimism when the UN-negotiated “Black Sea Grains Initiative” was launched, which was supposed to facilitate the return of Ukrainian food and fertilizers to global markets. True, the World Summit on Food Security, held last month on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, gave cause for hope: instead of considering each problem in isolation – as has been done historically – leaders adopted a broad and comprehensive vision of the current crisis, with a multilateral approach and an appreciation of the urgency of the situation.

The images from Europe, on the other hand, have projected little coordination. Just a few hours apart, France announced its “Crop Rescue Operation” (together with Lebanon, the European Commission, the African Union (AU) and various multilateral institutions) and Spain issued its Declaration of the Leaders’ Summit on Food Security World (where appropriate, accompanied by the AU, the European Union and the United States).

The European Commission has allocated €600 million (equal dollar amount) from the European Development Fund to finance immediate humanitarian food aid, boost food production and support interventions that increase the resilience of food systems in the most vulnerable countries of the world. Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific. But this measure falls short, in particular as the EU’s Multiannual Financial Framework 2021-27 lacks sufficient support for food security and sustainable agriculture.

The EU will have to amend that framework by next year. And it will have to clarify the agricultural protectionism that, among other things, prevented the ratification of its trade agreement with Mercosur (in this case, the interests of France and Austria were not unrelated); in parallel, the possibility that its Common Agricultural Policy could be extended to Ukraine if the country enters the Union is hurting sensitivities.

It is also necessary to reconsider the EU’s policy towards Africa, which has more than 65% of the world’s arable land, and needs financial and technological investment, as well as incentives that support local industry. As European Council President Charles Michel pointed out at the UN General Assembly in September, this would include sustainable projects for fertilizer production on the continent.

Likewise, the EU will have to review its beloved Green Deal: update its financing, consider complaints and review possible gaps, such as the impact on the demand for fundamental raw materials or the risk that agricultural standards act as non-tariff barriers against African exports. Generally speaking, Brussels needs to chart a clear and convincing course, one that recognizes the urgency of the food crisis.

Contrary to the Kremlin’s claims, the West is not responsible for causing the current food shortage. But you do have a responsibility to help resolve it. It cannot abandon developing countries to their fate (as it did, to a large extent, during the COVID-19 pandemic); all the more so because, with their credit ratings deteriorating, many African countries are facing high borrowing costs, thus jeopardizing national subsidies while increasing the cost of living.

Helping these governments is not just a moral imperative. Just as conflict is the main source of future famines, food insecurity is a major cause of social unrest and conflict. Climate change and exponential population growth (let’s not forget that, in 2050, the world will have 9.1 billion people to feed) are already stressing food systems. The crises these trends exacerbate will affect us all.

The author

She was Minister of Foreign Affairs of Spain and Senior Vice President and General Counsel of the World Bank Group; she is currently a visiting professor at Georgetown University.

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